When Chinese President Xi Jinping visited Central Asia and Southeast Asia in September and October of 2013, he raised the initiative of jointly building the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road (hereinafter referred to as the Belt and Road), which have attracted close attention from all over the world. At the China-ASEAN Expo in 2013, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang emphasized the need to build the Maritime Silk Road oriented toward ASEAN, and to create strategic propellers for hinterland development. Accelerating the building of the Belt and Road can help promote the economic prosperity of the countries along the Belt and Road and regional economic cooperation, strengthen exchanges and mutual learning between different civilizations, and promote world peace and development. It is a great undertaking that will benefit people around the world.
As an important pivot point of “One Belt, One Road”, Poland has a prominent geographic location and is the gateway for China-EU liner trains to enter the European Union. Since the transition, Poland’s economy has continued to grow at a high rate, ranking first in the European Union for many years, and is known as the “Tiger of Central and Eastern Europe”. Since 2010, China has become the world’s second largest economy, and foreign investment has begun to surpass the United States and European countries, has become Poland’s largest economic partner in Asia. Mutual benefits and win-win situation in the field of economy and trade have further strengthened the foundation of China-Poland strategic partnership. As the economic and trade relations between the two countries warming up and the level of political mutual trust increases, humanistic exchanges and cooperation have also been significantly enhanced. Especially since the China-CEE Cooperation Mechanism and the Belt and Road Initiative put forward in 2012 and 2013, under the concept of Consultation, Contribution and Shared Benefits, the two countries have made unprecedented progress since the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe in terms of policy coordination, facilities connectivity, unimpeded trade, financial integration and people-to-people bonds. The above background of cooperation has contributed to the significant elevation of Poland’s position in China’s foreign strategy.
China’s view of Poland: from superior student of transition to emerging middle power
Poland has been labeled as the Tiger of Central and Eastern Europe after its sustained economic growth since the transition in 1989. This sustained economic growth and the increase in the country’s overall strength have shaped Poland’s influence in Europe and on the international stage. Especially after becoming one of the first representatives of New Europe to join the European Union in 2004, Poland, together with the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary in the Visegrád Group, has become a significant political force influencing EU decision-making. In addition, Poland’s accession to the China-Central and Eastern European Cooperation Mechanism and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) in 2012 and 2015, respectively, has led to an unprecedented increase in Poland’s influence and visibility in Chinese society and academia. Since 2010, Poland’s role in Chinese academia has been labeled as a “superior student of transition”, an “emerging middle power” and a “representative of the new Europe”.
The heat of Polish studies in China has experienced a tendency of “hot topic, to cold topic, and back to hot topic”. As a hot topic of academic research, it started roughly after the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe to the end of the 20th century, during which Polish studies in China mainly focused on Poland’s economic, political, and social transformation, and the research issues included: “Poland: From Round Table Conference to Governmental Cabinet”[1] “Poland’s Economic Reform and Its Lessons” “A Wise Choice: Poland’s Round Table Conference” “Poland’s Economic Reform and Its Lessons” “A Wise Choice: Poland’s Round Table Conference” Reforms and Lessons Learned”[2] “A Wise Choice: The Polish Round Table”[3] “Recent U.S. Diplomatic Moves in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe”[4] “Changes within the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe and U.S. Policies “[5] “Analysis of the “domino effect” of the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe”[6] “What is Poland’s “Third Way”? ” [7]“An analysis of the development of left-wing political parties in Poland”[8] . In addition, research on Polish literature and the development of Sinology in Poland continues, such as “The Origin and Flow of Sinology in Poland”[9] “Post-war Dystopian Literature in Poland”[10] . The reason for this is the fact that the teaching of Polish in China started in the 1950s, which made it possible to translate a large number of Polish literary works into Chinese and circulate them widely in Chinese society. Representative works include the epic poem “Pan Tadeusz”(translated by Yi Lijun and Lin Hongliang, 1998), Selected Polish Poems of the 20th Century (1992), and the classical novel “the knights of the cross” (two volumes, translated by Yi Lijun and Zhang Zhenhui, 1996). The above literary works convey the strong patriotism and heroic spirit of struggle of the Polish nation. These spirits resonate with the memories of the humiliation and struggle of the Chinese nation against the invasion of the great powers since the 19th century.
Entering the late 1990s, the status and heat of the Central and Eastern European countries represented by Poland in Chinese diplomacy and academic research clearly showed a declining trend, which lasted until around the time of Poland’s accession to the European Union. During this period, on the one hand, due to the fact that Poland has basically shifted to the Western model in terms of its economic and political system and has stepped into the track of steady development; on the other hand, it also lies in the fact that Poland, which has not yet gained the status of the European Union, has less influence on the situation of the European region and Sino-European relations to the extent that China’s strategic importance to Poland has declined.
However, with the acceleration of Poland’s accession to the European Union until its formal accession in 2004, the seven countries of Central and Eastern Europe represented by Poland, as representatives of the New Europe in the EU bloc, not only exerted a hard-to-ignore influence on the EU’s decision-making, but also became a new political force restricting the development of Sino-European relations. Against this background, Chinese European academics have engaged in heated discussions on the political and economic implications of Poland and the CEE countries’ accession to the EU, which at one time led to a short-lived mini-boom in Polish studies in Chinese European academics. Academic research results in this period include: “The Politics of Double Eastern Expansion – NATO and EU Enlargement and Their Impacts on the Perception of Europe”[11] ” From Moscow to Brussels：Political Changes and the Preservation and Concession of National Sovereignty in Eastern Europe”[12] ” From the “Weimar Triangle” to the “Polish Phenomenon” — The Game of Interests in the EU’s Eastern Enlargement and Integration”[13] “A Review of the ‘Polish Phenomenon’ in the EU’s Eastern Enlargement”[14] ” An Experimental Analysis of the Impact of EU Enlargement on the Party Systems of the New Central and Eastern European Member States–An Appraisal of Euroskepticism in the Party Systems”[15] “An Experimental Analysis of the ‘Post-Accession Syndrome’ in Central and Eastern Europe “[16] . It should be noted that among the 16 CEE countries, Poland is the country with the most successful economic transformation and the greatest achievements among the post-accession new European countries. There is a broad consensus on this point among Chinese academics. For example, Chinese scholar Ma Xipu in his article “Achievements and Problems of Poland’s 10 Years of Accession to the European Union” puts forward: “Poland’s status and role in the EU have been increasing, and it is regarded as the ‘best student’ of the transformation of Central and Eastern Europe. “[17] .
The last stage is the period after 2012 to the present, with the introduction of the China-CEE cooperation mechanism and the Belt and Road Initiative, Poland has become one of the important comprehensive strategic partners in China’s European strategy, due to its unique geopolitical location and its position as the most important political force in the New Europe. On the one hand, this can be seen in the themes of European studies in Chinese academia after 2012. In particular, “16+1 cooperation” has been coined as a new academic and diplomatic term and has appeared frequently in several key journals in China. Research themes include: “An Analysis of the Operation Mode of ’16+1 Cooperation’ from the Perspective of Interregionalism”[18] “Opening the China-Central and Eastern Europe ’16+1 Cooperation’ New Era”[19] “An Introduction to the Pattern of Major Powers’ Interests in Central and Eastern Europe and Their Impact on 16+1 Cooperation”[20] “Japan’s Central and Eastern Europe Policy and its Impact on China’s ’16+1 Cooperation’ Impact Analysis”[21] . Especially in terms of Poland’s identity, many Chinese scholars define Poland as an emerging “middle power” in their academic research[22] . A representative article is “Poland’s Middle Power Diplomacy – Identity Positioning, Role Expectations and Diplomatic Preferences”[23]. According to the article, “Poland’s middle-power status has been shaped by a combination of significant economic achievements since the transition, the perception of the domestic political elite as a regional power, and the increased recognition of the country by the international community. The establishment of the middle-power status has constructed the expectations of Poland’s middle-power role, which has driven Poland to play the roles of “mediator between East and West Europe”, “staunch ally in transatlantic relations”, and “seeker of great power status in the European region” in the international community since the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe.”[24]
On the other hand, research institutions and Polish language teaching centers around Polish studies in China have also flourished since 2012. Between 2012 and 2020 alone, 14 new Polish language teaching programs were established in Chinese universities. [25]As of today, the total number of Polish language teaching centers exceeds 20 universities. In addition, the number of country-specific research institutes named “Polish studies” set up by Chinese universities has reached six, such as: the Center for Polish Studies at Beijing Foreign Studies University, the Center for Polish Studies at Beijing International Studies University, the Center for Polish and Central and Eastern European Studies at Sichuan University, the Center for Polish Studies at Northeastern University, the Center for Polish Studies at Xi’an International Studies University, and the Center for Polish Studies at Ningbo Institute of Technology of Zhejiang University. The research institutes named after Central and Eastern European Studies that include Poland are more than 20, and the representative institutes include the Center for Central and Eastern European Studies at Beijing Foreign Studies University, the Institute of Central and Eastern European Studies at Tongji University, the Center for Central and Eastern European Studies at Shanghai University of International Business and Economics, the Center for Central and Eastern European Studies at Zhejiang University, the Institute for Cooperation with Central and Eastern European Countries in Ningbo, and the Center for Central and Eastern European Studies at East China Normal University, and so on. It is worth mentioning that the Center for European Studies at Chongqing Jiaotong University has been compiling and publishing the Polish Development Report (2021) every year since 2022, which is the first annual research report in China that systematically researches and introduces Poland’s political, economic, cultural, social and other development profiles, with a word count of more than 100,000 words. As can be seen from the above, the importance that Chinese society attaches to Poland, as well as the important position of Poland in China’s foreign strategy, has been significantly increased.
二、China-Poland Relations Yesterday: From Friendship Partnership to Comprehensive Strategic Partnership
As an independent, peace-loving regional power with a long history and culture, Poland plays an important role in peace in the European region and the world. China and Poland have a long history of bilateral relations, having shared similar memories of suffering during World War II, and in the early post-World War II period, the two countries supported each other, looked out for each other and established a profound friendship. China and Poland have a long history of mutual political trust. Poland declared its recognition of the People’s Republic of China on October 5, 1949, and established diplomatic relations with China at the ambassadorial level on October 7, which was one of the first countries to recognize and establish diplomatic relations with the new PRC. In the 1950s, Sino-Polish relations were in a period of comprehensive development. The two countries supported each other and cooperated closely. High-level visits were frequent, and Chinese leaders Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, Peng Dehuai and He Long visited Poland. Polish leaders such as Beirut, Ohab and Sierenkiewicz have also visited China. China supports Poland’s initiative for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe. Poland supported China’s struggle against the United States, for national reunification and for the restoration of its legitimate seat in the United Nations. Founded on 15 June 1951, Sino-Polish was a joint venture between the Governments of China and Poland in order to break the embargo and blockade imposed by the West. Starting from four old ships, Sino-Polish opened up the first ocean shipping route between Asia and Europe. China’s urgently needed construction materials were constantly transported back to China through Sino-Polish ships, and exported goods were also shipped to all over the world through Sino-Polish routes, and the connection between China and the world became closer and closer. In just one year after its establishment, CWS had transported back to China the equipment needed by 52 factories, and also carried paraffin, rubber and other materials that were in short supply in China at that time, thus contributing to the economic construction in the early period of the founding of the PRC.[26]
At the end of 2011, the President of Poland visited China, and the two countries established a “strategic partnership”.In 2016, Chinese President Xi Jinping was invited to pay a state visit to Poland, which was warmly received by President Duda, and the two heads of state agreed to upgrade bilateral relations from a “strategic partnership” to a “comprehensive strategic partnership”.[27] It should be noted that China’s foreign relations network, characterized by “partnership”, is different from the long-standing system of alliances in the Western world. The “partnership” network advocated by China is a profound inheritance and continuation of its non-aligned policy since the 1950s, namely, “partnership but not alliance”. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), under the leadership of head of state diplomacy, China has made friends widely and deeply, and its global partnership network has been expanding. Almost every major diplomatic activity of General Secretary Xi Jinping has led to an increase or upgrade in China’s foreign partnerships. At present, of the 182 countries with which China has established diplomatic relations, nearly 100 countries with the term “partner” in the positioning of their bilateral relations are on all five continents. In addition, China has established different forms of partnerships with more than 10 regional and district organizations, including the European Union, the African Union, ASEAN and the Arab League.
At present, China’s partnerships are categorized into five tiers: First, general partnerships. The first category is general partnership, such as the “Friendship Partnership” with Jamaica and the “New Type of Cooperative Partnership” with Finland. The second category includes partnerships labeled “comprehensive” or “all-round”. For example, with the Netherlands, Croatia and other countries “comprehensive partnership”. The third category is general strategic partnerships. For example, “strategic partnership” with India, South Korea, etc., “strategic partnership” with Nigeria, Canada, Ukraine, etc., and “friendly strategic partnership” with Austria. The fourth category is the strategic partnership labeled as “comprehensive”, “global” and “all-round”, such as the “New Era Comprehensive Strategic Collaboration Partnership” with Russia, the “Friendship and Strategic Partnership” with Vietnam, the United States, and the United Kingdom. For example, the “New Era Comprehensive Strategic Collaborative Partnership” with Russia, the “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership” with nearly 20 countries, including Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia and Kenya, the “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership” with ASEAN, the European Union and Poland,
and the “All-round Strategic Partnership” with Germany. All-round Strategic Partnership” with Germany. The fifth and highest level is the “all-weather” and “permanent” strategic partnership, including the “all-weather strategic partnership” with Pakistan, Belarus and Venezuela, the “all-weather strategic partnership” with Kazakhstan.[28]In the Chinese diplomatic lexicon, “partnership” means mutual trust and adherence to the principle of “seeking common ground while reserving differences”. Most of the “partnerships” that China has established with other countries, regions or regional organizations are qualified by such terms as “strategic”, “cooperative” and “comprehensive”. “and other qualifiers. Taken together, those with which China has established “strategic” partnerships often play a relatively important role in regional or international affairs. A “comprehensive” partnership, on the other hand, usually implies that the relationship has reached a relatively high level of maturity and institutionalization, with close cooperation in various fields, including political, economic, humanistic, international and regional affairs. [29]
From Strategic Engagement to “Friendly Partnerships” in seeking common ground while reserving differences (1989-2004)
After the end of the Cold War, in the international context of peace and development gradually becoming the two major themes in the changing world pattern, with the comprehensive transformation of Poland’s political system and mode of economic development, the political, economic and trade exchanges between China and Poland have declined. However, the two countries still reached a political consensus on matters of mutual interest, that is, China insisted on respecting the sovereignty of Poland and the choice of the Polish people, transcending the differences in social systems, ideologies and development paths, and maintaining and developing relations on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. The exchange of visits between Qian Qichen and Krzysztof Skubiszewski, the foreign ministers of the two countries in 1991, enhanced mutual understanding and vigorously promoted normal development of the relations between the two countries. In 1993, Vice Premiers Zou Jiahua and Goleszewski exchanged visits and signed a new agreement on Sino-Polish economic and trade relations; in September 1994, Polish Prime Minister Pawlak visited China and signed nine cooperation agreements and letters of intent; and from November 16 to 21, 1997, Polish President Aleksander Kwaśniewski paid a state visit to China at the invitation of the President of the People’s Republic of China, Jiang Zemin, which was the first official visit to China by a Polish head of state in 38 years. The two heads of state signed the Joint Communiqué of the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Poland. [30]The leaders of the two countries exchanged views on the current state of bilateral relations and good prospects for their development, as well as on international issues of common concern.
The two sides shared the view that the development of cooperation between the two countries in various fields is the common aspiration of the peoples of the two countries, which not only serves the fundamental interests of the two countries and is conducive to peace and development in Asia and Europe. The two sides will develop long-term, stable relations of friendship and cooperation on the basis of mutual respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, equality and mutual benefit, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs and other generally recognized norms of international law. The Parties consider the development of mutually beneficial economic and trade cooperation to be a very important goal of bilateral relations. The two sides reaffirmed their mutual respect for each other’s choice of economic and social development paths. In addition, China fully understands and respects Poland’s efforts to integrate with Euro-Atlantic and European mechanisms, appreciates Poland’s continued policy of developing cooperation with countries around the world, including those in the Asia-Pacific region, and highly values Poland’s role and contribution to the maintenance of peace in Europe and the world.[31]
In the 21st century, with the rapid growth of China’s economy and the continuous enhancement of its comprehensive strength, the relationship between China and the EU has entered a new fast track. In 1998, China and the EU established a long-term, stable and constructive partnership for the 21st century. In 2001, the two sides established a comprehensive partnership; and in 2003, the EU and China established a comprehensive strategic partnership, and the Chinese government issued its first policy paper on the EU. [32]Since Poland joined the EU in 2004, as the most important country in the new Europe with the highest economic growth rate and political influence, it has become a new driving force and growth point for the steady development of China-EU relations. At the same time, 2004 coincided with the 55th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Poland. At the invitation of the President of the Republic of Poland, Aleksander Kwasniewski, President of the People’s Republic of China, Mr. Hu Jintao, paid a state visit to Poland from June 8 to 10, 2004, and jointly issued the “Joint Declaration of the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Poland”, and established the “Friendship and Cooperative Partnership” between China and Poland. The two sides are of the view that China-Poland relations have been developing smoothly in recent years, and the two sides have formed a consultation mechanism in the fields of foreign affairs, economy and trade, science and technology, and achieved a series of results in cooperation in various fields. The two sides reaffirmed their respect for each other’s development paths and internal and external policies in accordance with their national conditions. At the same time, they are willing to engage in constructive dialogues and exchanges in the political, economic, social, values and human rights fields, based on the principle of seeking common ground while reserving differences.
More importantly, the Chinese side highly recognizes the strategic importance of Poland in terms of its international status and influence. China regards Poland as an important country in Central and Eastern Europe, appreciates Poland’s achievements in economic and social development in recent years, and plays a constructive role in the region and the European integration process,” the joint statement said. It is believed that Poland’s membership in the European Union will promote new development in China-Poland relations.”[33]
(ii) Evolution from “friendly cooperative partnership ” to “strategic partners” (2005-2011)
After joining the European Union, Poland has not only integrated into the single market of the EU economically and accelerated its economic development in the context of the free flow of goods, capital, labor and services, but also enhanced its political status. The dimension of cooperation in China-Poland relations has also expanded from a single bilateral dimension to “bilateral + multilateral” cooperation. In other words, the European Union has injected new impetus into the development of China-Poland relations. In 2003, China-EU relations were upgraded to a comprehensive strategic partnership. Therefore, as the most important country of New Europe in the EU, Poland’s policy towards China will also become an important factor affecting China-EU relations.
Since then, the frequency of high-level political visits between China and Poland has been significantly increased. In March 2006, Foreign Minister Stefan Meller visited China and met with Premier Wen Jiabao and Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing respectively. In April of the same year, Chinese Vice Premier Hui Liangyu visited Poland and met with Vice Premier and Minister of Finance Kirovska, President Kaczyński and Prime Minister Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz, and in September, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao met with Polish Prime Minister Kaczyński during the Sixth Asia-Europe Summit.In 2007, the pragmatic Tusk became Prime Minister, and Poland’s trade policy with China has become more active, and its political status in the EU has become more and more important. Poland’s trade policy toward China has become more active since Tusk became prime minister in 2007, and its political status in the European Union has grown, with the two countries entering a new era of strategic importance. For example, judging from the annual diplomatic reports delivered by the Polish foreign minister to the Sejm in the past, there is a noteworthy phenomenon that China is almost invisible in Poland’s official diplomatic priorities or reports. This phenomenon suggests that China is of low strategic importance to Poland. In the order of diplomatic priorities of the current Polish government, the European Union and the United States are at the top of the list, followed by Russia and the six Eastern Partnership countries. The Asia-Pacific region is of little strategic interest to a medium-sized subregional power like Poland and is therefore not among its diplomatic priorities. However, when compared to China, Poland’s economic and trade relations with India, Japan and China are even closer than its trade with China. The turning point came in 2008, when then-Prime Minister Tusk paid an official visit to China and attended the 7th Asia-Europe Summit, it was the first Polish prime minister to visit China since 1994. Poland’s “Going China” strategy has widely promoted dialogue and cooperation between Polish companies and Chinese investors, with a number of programs aimed at expanding energy, agricultural and technological cooperation. [34]Since then, the economic and trade relations between China and Poland have grown closer. As Tusk said during his meeting with Premier Wen Jiabao, “China and the Central European region are symbols of success and development in the world. Poland and China have a long history of economic cooperation, such as the establishment of Chipolbrok in 1951, the first Chinese-foreign joint venture in China. Today, Poland serves as China’s largest economic partner in Central and Eastern Europe, but for a long time trade and investment exchanges between the two countries have remained at a low level.”[35]
The visit was warmly welcomed and received by then Chinese President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao. On the following day, Tusk, together with a Polish trade and economic delegation, took part in the 7th Asia-Europe Summit in China, where the two sides exchanged views mainly on increasing trade relations. Subsequently, China lifted embargoes and barriers to the sale of Polish foodstuffs, especially pork, and in 2010 Poland was invited to participate in Expo 2010 in Shanghai, and in December 2011 Polish President Komorowski followed Tusk’s visit to China. Chinese President Hu Jintao and Polish President Bronislaw Komorowski had a frank and in-depth exchange of views on deepening bilateral relations and international and regional issues of common concern, reached a broad consensus and jointly issued the Joint Declaration of the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Poland on the Establishment of Strategic Partnership. The two sides positively evaluated the traditional friendship between China and Poland, noting that since the establishment of diplomatic relations 62 years ago. Especially after the establishment of the friendship and partnership in 2004, the cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Poland has been steadily expanding in various fields such as politics, economy, humanities and international affairs, and has yielded rich results. The two sides agreed that expanding and deepening China-Poland relations is in line with the common aspirations and fundamental interests of the two peoples, and will help safeguard world peace and development and promote harmonious coexistence of all countries. [36]To this end, the two sides decided to upgrade bilateral relations to a strategic partnership. Since then, China-Poland relations have been transformed from a partnership to a strategic partnership, opening up a new period of bilateral economic and trade, political and humanistic cooperation.
This was the first part of Wang Hongyi’s analysis. The second will be published soon on our website
[1] Bao Wenying and Fan Jun, “Poland: From Round Table to Government Formation”, Soviet East Europe Today, No. 5, 1989.
[2] Li Baohuai, “Reform of the Polish Economic System and Its Lessons”, Journal of Yan’an University (Social Science Edition), No. 2, 1989.
[3] Fan Jun and Bao Wenying, “A Wise Choice: The Polish Round Table”, Soviet East Europe Today, No. 3, 1989.
[4] Fang Xiaoguang, “Recent U.S. Diplomatic Movements Toward Soviet Eastern Europe,” Peace and Development, No. 6, 1989.
[5] Shi Yinhong, “Internal Changes in Soviet Eastern Europe and U.S. Policy,” World History, No. 6, 1997.
[6] Wang Yuzhong, “An Analysis of the ‘Domino Effect’ of Dramatic Changes in Eastern Europe”, East Europe and Central Asia Today, No. 3, 1997.
[7] Zeng Tian, “What is the Polish “Third Way”?”, Contemporary World Socialist Issues, No. 1, 1997. Contemporary World Socialist Issues, No. 1, 1997.
[8] Wang Zhilian and Ji Wengang, “An Analysis of the Development and Evolution of Left-Wing Political Parties in Poland”, Contemporary World & Socialism, No. 6, 2006.
[9] Yi Lijun, “The Sources of Polish Sinology”, International Forum, No. 3, 1989.
[10] Zhang Zhenhui and Wang Zongping, “Polish Postwar Dystopian Literature,” International Forum, No. 4, 1989.
[11] Zhu Xiao-zhong, “The Politics of Double East Enlargement – NATO and EU Enlargement and Their Impact on the Perception of Europe”, Russian Central Asian East European Studies, No. 2, 2003.
[12] Gao Ge, “From Moscow to Brussels – Political Upheaval and the Preservation and Concession of National Sovereignty in Eastern Europe”, European Studies, No. 2, 2004.
[13] Yao Qinhua, Dai Yidun and Zhu Wenxia, “From ‘Weimar Triangle’ to ‘Polish Phenomenon’-The Game of Interests in the Eastern Expansion and Integration of the European Union “, Modern International Relations, No. 5, 2004.
[14] Yang Ye, “A Review of the ‘Polish Phenomenon’ in the Eastern Enlargement of the European Union”, Russian East European Central Asian Studies, No. 4, 2004.
[15] Gao Ge: “Analyzing the Impact of the European Union’s Eastward Enlargement on the Party Systems of the New Member States of Central and Eastern Europe–Another Comment on Euroskepticism in the Party Systems”, Studies on Russia, Eastern Europe and Central Asia, No. 5, 2004.
[16] Central and Eastern Europe Study Group: “”Trial Analysis of the ‘Post-Accession Syndrome’ in Central and Eastern Europe””, Modern International Relations, No. 12, 2006.
[17] Ma Xipu, “Poland’s Achievements and Problems in 10 Years of EU Accession,” Institute of Eurasian Social Development, Development Research Center of the State Council, China, May 27, 2016, http://www.easdri.org.cn/newsinfo/518398.html.
[18] Zhang Yinghong, “An Analysis of the Operational Mode of “16+1 Cooperation” under the Perspective of Interregionalism,” Social Science, No. 10, 2017.
[19] Liu Zuokui, “Opening a New Era of China-Central and Eastern Europe ’16+1 Cooperation’,” Foreign Investment in China, No. 23, 2017.
[20] Zhu XiaoZhong, “An Introduction to the Pattern of Major Powers’ Interests in Central and Eastern Europe and Their Impact on 16+1 Cooperation,” Regional and Global Development, No. 2, 2017.
[21] Liu Zuokui, “Analysis of Japan’s Central and Eastern European Policy and its Impact on China’s ’16+1 Cooperation’,” Russian Studies, Vol. 2, No. 2, 2019.
[22] For example, the famous Chinese scholar Wang Yizhou classified Poland among the middle powers in a press interview. See: “These countries are not simple! They have a common name: Middle Powers,” Newsweek, October 31, 2021, https://new.qq.com/rain/a/20211031A09DBU00
[23] Wang Hongyi, “Poland’s Middle Power Diplomacy – Identity Positioning, Role Expectations and Diplomatic Preferences”, Russia Studies,No.2,2020.
[24] Wang, Hongyi, “Poland’s Middle Power Diplomacy – Identity Orientation, Role Expectations, and Diplomatic Preferences,” Russian Studies, No. 2, 2020.
[25] Xu Gang, “Chinese (Central) East European Studies in the 40 Years of Reform and Opening Up: Preliminary Thoughts Based on Discipline Construction,” Russian East European Central Asian Studies, No. 1, 2020.
[26] Celebrating the 70th Anniversary of CWS，CNN Shanghai News, 11th June 2021,https://www.sh.chinanews.com.cn/chanjing/2021-06-11/88314.shtml
[27] Xi Jinping visits Poland, China and Poland upgrade to comprehensive strategic partnership, June 21, 2016, CCTV, https://news.cnr.cn/native/gd/20160621/t20160621_522452452.shtml
[28]项昊宇，中国的“伙伴”关系有哪些？，载《学习时报》2023年10月9日第3版。
[29] 丁建庭，中国的“伙伴关系”有多少种？关系“最铁”是哪种？，2023年9月16日，南方网，https://news.southcn.com/node_179d29f1ce/062262904b.shtml
[30] China-Poland Relations, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/oz_678770/1206_679012/sbgx_679016/
[31] Joint Communiqué of the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Poland, Official Website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, November 7, 2000, http://new.fmprc.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/oz_678770/1206_679012/1207_679024/ 200011/t20001107_9333279.shtml
[32] https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gjhdqzz_681964/1206_679930/sbgx_679934/
[33] Joint Declaration of the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Poland, Bulletin of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, No. 22, 2004, https://www.gov.cn/gongbao/content/2004/content_62850.htm
[34] “Louis Cox-Brusseau, Sleeping Dragon No Longer: China’s Influence in Central Europe”, EUROPEUM Institute for European Policy, December 2019, pp. 2-3. https://sha.static.vipsite.cn/media/thinktank/attachments/f4bc4e824628b294ddc4cf6d5a96a48b. pdf
[35] “Tusk: Chiny odblokują import polskiej żywności”, Telewizja Polska, October 23, 2008, https://www.tvp.info/315559/ tusk-chiny-odblokuja-import-polskiej-zywnosci#!.
[36] Joint Statement of China and Poland on the Establishment of a Strategic Partnership (Full Text), Official Website of the Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China, Dec. 20, 2011, https://www.gov.cn/jrzg/2011-12/20/content_2025074.htm
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